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We do not collect any personal data that could identify an individual user. The users that are registered in WordPress. Political reform also remains incomplete. Particularly serious has been the reversal of media freedom and imprisonment of journalists. The constitution bars Suu Kyi from contesting the presidency. Even economic liberalization has stalled. Much of the economy remains in state- or military-controlled hands.
In short, the hopes that recently soared high for Burma have crashed down to reality. But U. Washington could reimpose economic sanctions. However, returning to the policy of the past would be a dead end. Nor can the U. Anyway, participation in the Western economies is worth more than any likely official assistance package. The administration also hopes to use military engagement as leverage for democracy. Unfortunately, contact with America is not enough to win foreign military men to democracy.
On 4 August , he met with members of all political parties in Naypyidaw and urged them to work with the government to achieve ethnic reconciliation.
The second problem is the pace of change. While the government has begun to implement economic and political reform, winning praise from the international community, change has come slowly to the place where the great majority of the Burmese live: the farming heartland.
To make matters worse, some reforms may produce unintended results. Burma once led the world in rice exports but has long since fallen behind, its farming exports withering under half a century of military dictatorship. After many years of declining rice prices, inefficient farmers have been suffering sharp losses and piling up high-interest debt.
Most of them are poor farmers, who could be forced to migrate to urban slums if their lands are taken away. Land reform could end up creating a new underclass and a potential source of instability.
Finally, Burma has only partially achieved its goal of engaging more with the global community. The regime wants to show the world it is seriously pursuing political reforms, and hoping that Western governments will agree to lifting the remaining economic and political sanctions against Burma.
Furthermore, the roles of former regime business cronies are unclear, creating more uncertainty. Lacking a clear policy direction has been a major problem for the NLD, which decided to avoid making specific public commitments before the November elections. Notwithstanding the mandate delivered by its convincing election victory, the central government has been slow to adopt new nationwide policies in many areas.
Finalising a national peace process became the political priority, quite correctly, but this was always going to take a long time; differences among ethnic groups about power-sharing arrangements had never been adequately settled.
In addition, there were no clear proposals or guidelines for nationwide judicial reforms. Before its election victory, the NLD announced nothing on land reforms, although this now seems to be underway. Nor did it lay out concrete policies regarding important areas such as climate change, control over national resources or water management arrangements. As a result, there was generally more uncertainty than necessary over government policies and priorities.
Managing popular expectations, domestically and internationally, has been a major challenge. Despite domestic support for reforms, few detailed policies have been issued by the NLD government. This was deliberate, but seems to have complicated matters and may delay reforms.
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